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The Biblical Laws of Asylum between Mediterraneanism and Postcolonial Critique

Pages 291 - 307



5 I. Kadare, Broken April, Chicago, IL 1990, 115.

6 See to these phenomena (last accessed 15th August 2015).

7 See M. Hong, Asylgrundrecht und Refoulementverbot, Studien zu Staat, Recht und Verwaltung 12, Baden-Baden 2008; A. Titze, Die deutsche Asylrechtsprechung und das internationale Flüchtlingsrecht. Kontinuität oder Neuanfang?, Schriften zum öffentlichen Recht 1102, Berlin 2008. For the relationship between German and European practices see D. Fröhlich, Das Asylrecht im Rahmen des Unionsrechts. Entstehung eines föderalen Asylregimes in der Europäischen Union, Verfassungsentwicklung in Europa 5, Tübingen 2011.

8 See T. Maunz / G. Dürig, Grundgesetz-Kommentar, 69. Ergänzungslieferung 2013, Randnr. 27 (commentary by A. Randelzhofer).

9 See e.g. J. Blommaert, Language, Asylum, and National Order, CA 50, 2009, 415–441.

10 F. Braudel, La Méditerranée et le Monde Méditerranéen à l'Époque de Philippe II. Tome 1, Paris 1966, 21: “La Méditerranée est au moins double. Elle est composée tout d'abord d'une série de péninsules compactes, montagneuses, coupées de plaines essentielles: Italie, Péninsule des Balkans, Asie Mineure, Afrique du Nord, Péninsule Ibérique. En second lieu, la mer insinue, entre ces continents en miniature, ses vaste espaces, compliqués, morcelés, car la Méditerranée, plus qu'une masse maritime unique, est un ‘complex de mers’. Telles sont les deux scènes — les péninsules, les mers — que nous considérerons en premier lieu pour fixer les conditions générales de la vie des hommes”. See also C. Broodbank, The Making of the Middle Sea. A History of the Mediterranean from the Beginning to the Emergence of the Classical World, Oxford 2013, 54–81.

11 P. Horden / N. Purcell, The Corrupting Sea. A Study of Mediterranean History, Oxford 2000, 123–172and the comparative evidence from Oceania in: E. Hau'ofa, Our Sea of Islands, The Contemporary Pacific 6, 1994, 148–161.

12 Homer, Od. 9.125–129.

13 Plato, Phaedo 109a–b.

14 See the essays collected in J.G. Peristiany (ed.), Mediterranean Family Structures, Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, Cambridge 1976; J. Pitt-Rivers (ed.), Mediterranean Countrymen. Essays in the Social Anthropology of the Mediterranean, Recherches Méditerranéennes. Etudes I., Paris 1963 as well as the study by J. Davis, People of the Mediterranean. An essay in comparative social anthropology, Library of Man, London 1977.

15 See e.g. M. Herzfeld, Taking Stereotypes Seriously: “Mediterraneanism” Reconsidered, in: M. Peressini / R. Hadj-Moussa (eds.), The Mediterranean Reconsidered. Representations, Emergences, Recompositions, Merucry Series. Cultural Studies Paper 79, Gatineau 2005, 25–37and D. Abulafia, The Great Sea. A Human History of the Mediterranean, London 22014, 641–648.

16 See M. Herzfeld, Practical Mediterraneanism: Excuses for Everything from Epistemology to Eating, in: W.V. Harris (ed.), Rethinking the Mediterranean, Oxford 2005, 45–63and H. Driessen, Beyond “Mediterraneanism”. A View from Cultural Anthropology, New Geographies 5, 2013, 145–151.

17 See e.g. J. de Pina-Cabral, Against Translation: The Role of the Researcher in the Production of Ethnographic Knowledge, in: id. / J. Campbell (eds.), Europe Observed, London 1992, 1–23; D. Gefou-Madianou, Mirroring Ourselves through Western Texts: The Limits of an Indigenous Anthropology, in: H. Driessen (ed.), The Politics of Ethnographic Reading and Writing: Confrontation of Western and Indigenous Views, Saarbrücken 1993, 160–181; N. Panourgiá, Fragments of Death, Fables of Identity, New Directions in Anthropological Writings, Madison, WI 1995; Y. Hamilakis, Indigenous Hellenisms / Indigenous Modernities. Classical Antiquity, Materiality, and Modern Greek Society, in: G. Boys-Stones / B. Graziosi / P. Vasunia (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Hellenic Studies, Oxford 2009, 19–31; L. Leontidou, Mediterranean Cultural Identities Seen through the “Western” Gaze. Shifting Geographical Imaginations of Athens, New Geographies 5, 2013, 111–121.

18 See W. Vanstiphout, Braudel's Donkey: Historians and the Mediterranean as a Political Project, New Geographies 5, 2013, 101–110.

19 J. de Pina-Cabral, The Mediterranean as a Category of Regional Comparison: A Critical View, Current Anthropology 30, 1989, 399–406.

20 These micro-ecologies enable the authors “to step a little aside from what we have broadly identified as the Romantic tradition of Mediterranean description, with its seductive but misleading imagery […] And it leads naturally into the subsequent discussion of the degree to which the ecological approach can be extended, first to larger settlements […], then to the region as a whole.” (P. Horden / N. Purcell, Corrupting Sea [see above note 7] 54).

21 A different road is taken by P. Wajdenbaum, Argonauts of the Desert. Structural Analysis of the Hebrew Bible, Copenhagen International Seminar, Sheffield et al. 2011 who once again assumes a direct influence of Greek material upon the Hebrew Bible by using a model from structural anthropology.

22 See the remarks in B. Wells, Is It Law or Religion? Legal Motivations in Deuteronomic and Neo-Babylonian Texts, in: A.C. Hagedorn / R.G. Kratz (eds.), Law and Religion in the Eastern Mediterranean. From Antiquity to Early Islam, Oxford 2013, (287–309), 292–300.

23 Text and translation according to W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, repr. ed. Oxford 1982, 112–113.

24 English translation according to M.T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, SBL WAW 6, Atlanta, GA 21997, 225.

25 Thus J.S. Bergsma, The Jubilee from Leviticus to Qumran. A History of Interpretation, VT.S 115, Leiden 2006, 29 who states: “In addition to enjoying special privileges, these cities seem to have functioned as places of asylum, where criminals or the accused could find varying degrees of protection”. Bergsma bases this interpretation solely on the term ‘being exempt’.

26 Cf. L. Waterman, Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire, Ann Arbor 1972, Nr. 878, Z. 9–11.

27 See e.g. § 10 (rev. 14–25) of the letter of Hatusilis III. to the Babylonian king Kadashman-Enlil II. (CTH 172). Engl. Text in: G. Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, SBL WAW 7, Atlanta, GA 21999, (139–143), 142.

28 I thank Jonathan Stökl (London) for alerting me to the letter and especially Jack M. Sasson (Vanderbilt) for helping me to clarify several issues as well as generously sharing his work with me.

29 On the issue of extradition at Mari see J.M. Sasson, Scruples. Extradition in the Mari Archives, WZKM 97, 2007, 453–473.

30 Text according to J.-M. Durand, Florilegium marianum VII. Le Cult d'Addu d'Alep et l'affaire d'Alahtum, Mémoires de N.A.B.U. 8, Paris 2002, 24.

31 English translation according to J.M. Sasson, From the Mari Archives. An Anthology of Old Babylonian Letters, Winona Lake, IN 2015, 90.

32 See the evidence amassed for such a practice in D. Charpin, Gods, Kings, and Merchants in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia, Publications de l'Institut du Proche-Orient du Collège de France 2, Leuven 2015, 60–69.

33 On the problem see J. Stökl, Divination as Warfare: The Use of Divination across Borders, in: A. Lenzi / id. (eds.), Divination, Politics, and Ancient Near Eastern Empires, SBL Ancient Near East Monographs 7, Atlanta, GA 2014, (49–63), 54–56.

34 See e.g. Sfire III 4–7. Text and translation in J.A. Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscription of Sefire, BiOr 19a, Rome 21995, 136–137; commentary in J.C. Greenfield, Asylum at Aleppo: A Note on Sfire III, 4–7, in: M. Cogan / I. Eph'al (eds.), Ah, Assyria … Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, ScrHier 33, Jerusalem 1991, 272–278.

35 D. Charpin, Gods (see above note 28) 76 with reference to D. Schwemer, Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen. Materialien und Studien nach schriftlichen Quellen, Wiesbaden 2001, 212 Fn 1467.

36 J.M. Sasson, Mari Archives (see above note 27) 90 Fn 172 notes “that every case of refuge and extradition creates a context of its own so that its resolution can hardly depend on appeals to formal provisions in treaties or oaths.”

37 In TH 72.16 (J.M. Sasson, Mari Archives [see above note 27] 223) Zimri-Lim seems to emulate the concept advocated by Yarim-Lim, stating: “And if I should release this man, afterward anyone who hears (about it), will he seek shelter as if with an interceding angel?”.

38 Cf. A. Altman, Tracing the Earliest Recorded Concepts of International Law. The Ancient Near East (2500–330 BCE). Legal History Library 8, Leiden et al. 2012, 81–83and D.J. Bederman, International Law in Antiquity, Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law, Cambridge 2001, who does not even mention the concept. If such a legal practice is proposed concrete evidence is generally lacking and one simply refers to M. Weinfeld, Social Justice in Ancient Israel and the Ancient Near East, Jerusalem 1996, 97–131; see e.g. J. Stackert, Rewriting the Torah. Literary Revision in Deuteronomy and the Holiness Legislation, FAT 52, Tübingen 2007, 40. The exception to the rule seems to come from Alashia on Cyprus (see M. Heltzer, Asylum on Alashia [Cyprus], ZAR 7, 2001, 368–373).

39 J.P. Burnside, Exodus and Asylum: Uncovering the Relationship between Biblical Law and Narrative, JSOT 34, 2010, 243–266wants to understand the laws as “paradigm cases” that help to shape Israel's self-understanding as successful asylum-seekers.

40 R. Rothenbusch, Die kasuistische Rechtssammlung im „Bundesbuch“ (Ex 21,2–11.18–22,16) und ihr literarischer Kontext im Licht altorientalischer Parallelen, AOAT 259, Münster 2000, 19 classifies Ex 21:12–17 and 22:17–19 as a frame around the casuistic laws in 21:18–22:16.

41 See E. Otto, Körperverletzungen in den Keilschriftrechten und im Alten Testament. Studien zum Rechtstransfer im Alten Orient, AOAT 226, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1991, 138–139.

42 Thus E. Otto, Theologische Ethik des Alten Testaments, ThW 3,2, Stuttgart 1994, 32.

43 D.P. Wright, Inventing God's Law. How the Covenant Code of the Bible Used and Revised the Laws of Hammurabi, 154–165 in his attempt to correlate the laws of the Covenant Code with Codex Hammurabi treats Ex 21:12–14 as part of 21:18–21. As a result he does not draw any literary-critical conclusions but maintains that the stipulation regarding asylum “may be a native custom” (158).

44 See also B.S. Jackson, Wisdom Laws. A Study of the Mishpatim of Exodus 21:1–22:16, Oxford 2006, 138–139.

45 See E. Otto, Wandel der Rechtsbegründungen in der Gesellschaftsgeschichte des antiken Israel. Eine Rechtsgeschichte des “Bundesbuches” Ex XX 22–XXIII 13, Studia Biblica 3, Leiden 1988, 34.

46 ואשר as a conditional conjunction only in Lev 4:22; Deut 11:27; Josh 4:21 (cf. GK § 159cc; JM § 167j); similarly the introduction of a subsidiary clause using כי in 21:14 is also unusual.

47 J.C. Gertz, Die Gerichtsorganisation Israels im deuteronomischen Gesetz, FRLANT 165, Göttingen 1994, 126 n. 40 rightly stresses that the use of מקום and מזבח is factually related since God never erects an altar; as a result, the place (מקום) is determined by God (שים) and the human person then erects an altar there (cf. Gen 12:6f.; 26:24f; 35:7). See also J. Stackert, Rewriting the Torah (see above note 34) 34–38. Contrast P. Barmash, Homicide in the Biblical World, Cambridge 2005, 76–87who wants to find a stipulation regarding cities of refuge here (see already L. Delekat, Asylie und Schutzorakel am Zionheiligtum, Leiden 1967).

48 E. Otto, Rechtsbegründungen (see above note 41) 34.

49 See e.g. C. Traulsen, Das sakrale Asyl in der Alten Welt. Zur Schutzfunktion des Heiligen von König Salomo bis zum Codex Theodosianus, JusEccl 72, Tübingen 2004, 35.

50 For a brief overview of the research on Deut 19 see U. Rüterswörden, Erwägungen zum Asyl in Dt 19, in: L. Burckhardt / K. Seybold / J. v. Ungern-Sternberg (eds.), Gesetzgebung in antiken Gesellschaften. Israel, Griechenland, Rom, Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 247, Berlin et al. 2007, 221–231.

51 On the problem of blood vengeance see A. Ruwe, Das Zusammenwirken von „Gerichtsverhandlung“, „Blutrache“ und „Asyl“. Rechtsgeschichtliche Erwägungen zu den todesrechtsrelevanten Asylbestimmungen im Hexateuch, ZAR 6, 2000, 190–221.

52 Cf. J.C. Gertz, Gerichtsorganisation (see above note 43) 118–134; R.G. Kratz, The Composition of the Narrative Books of the Old Testament, London 2005, 123 and E. Otto, Deuteronomium 1–11. Erster Teilband: 1,1–4,43, HThKAT, Freiburg 2012, 595 as well as id., Das Deuteronomium. Politische Theologie und Rechtsreform in Juda und Assyrien, BZAW 284, Berlin et al. 1999, 250–265.

53 R.G. Kratz, Composition (see above note 48) 123.

54 See E. Otto, The History of Legal-Religious Hermeneutics of the Book of Deuteronomy from the Assyrian to the Hellenistic Period, in: A.C. Hagedorn / R.G. Kratz (eds.), Law and Religion in the Eastern Mediterranean. From Antiquity to Early Islam, Oxford 2013, (211–250), 217–218.

55 See e.g. J. Stackert, Why Does Deuteronomy Legislate Cities of Refuge? Asylum in the Covenant Collection (Exodus 21:12–14) and Deuteronomy (19:1–13), JBL 125, 2006, (23–49), 41–47.

56 Vgl. Hierzu E. Otto, Ersetzen oder Ergänzen von Gesetzen in der Rechtshermeneutik des Pentateuch?, ZAR 14, 2008, 434–443.

57 According to m. Makk 2:7 when there is no High Priest a culprit will never leave the city of refuge; see the observations on the Mishnah's adaption of the biblical laws of unintentional homicide in: M. Bar-Asher Siegal, The Unintentional Killer: Midrashic Layers in the Second Chapter of Mishnah Makkot, JJS 61, 2010, 30–47.

58 B.A. Levine, Numbers 21–36: An New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, AncB 4a, New York, NY 2000, 548.

59 See L. Schmidt, Das vierte Buch Mose. Numeri 10,11–36,13, ATD 7/2, Göttingen 2004, 221. Different S. Greengus, Laws in the Bible and in Early Rabbinic Collections. The Legal Legacy of the Ancient Near East, Eugene, OR 2011, 154–155who understands Num 35 “as a form of internal exile”.

60 E. Otto, Deuteronomium (see above note 48) 598.

61 See. A. Rofé, The History of the Cities of Refuge in Biblical Law, in: id., Deuteronomy. Issues and Interpretation, Old Testament Studies, London et al. 2002, (121–147), 128.

62 Hebrew text and English translation according to S.L. Gogel, A Grammar of Epigraphic Hebrew, SBL Resources for Biblical Literature 23, Atlanta 1998, 390–391.

63 F.W. Dobbs-Allsopp / J.J.M. Roberts / C.L. Seow / R.E. Whitaker (eds.), Hebrew Inscriptions. Texts from the Biblical Period of the Monarchy with Concordance, New Haven, CT 2004, 41 also consider the proposal to read byt yhwh hÛʾ yāšīb. (“the house of YHWH he will restore”). Such a reading would then refer to the sanctuary at Arad and not to the temple of Jerusalem.

64 C. Dietrich, Asyl. Vergleichende Untersuchung zu einer Rechtsinstitution im Alten Israel und seiner Umwelt, BWANT 182, Stuttgart 2008, 212 speculates that one could not decide in pre-exilic times which cities should be cities of refuge. Only in Roman times do we find epigraphic evidence that a synagogue in Egypt was granted the status of an inviolable place (τὴν ᴨροσευχὴν ἄσυλον [IGR I,1315]); cf. K.J. Rigsby, A Jewish Asylum in Greco-Roman Egypt, in: M. Dreher (ed.), Das antike Asyl. Kultische Grundlagen, rechtliche Ausgestaltung und politische Funktion, Akten der Gesellschaft für griechische und Hellenistische Rechtsgeschichte 15, Cologne et al. 2003, 127–142. See also 2Macc 4:33 where Onias flees to a place of refuge in Daphne near Antioch (R. Doran, 2 Maccabees, Hermeneia, Minneapolis, MN 2012, 117).

65 See G. Stukenborg, Kirchenasyl in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Die Sanctuary-Bewegung in tatsächlicher und normativer Hinsicht, Staatskirchliche Abhandlungen 31, Berlin 1998, 23–35.50–54.

66 See. J. Derrida, On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness. With a Preface by Simon Critchley and Richard Kearney, London et al. 2001, 1–24(French original Cosmopolities de tous le pays, encore un effort, Paris 1997) with reference to E. Levinas, Cities of Refuge, in: id., Beyond the Verse. Talmudic Readings and Lectures, London 1994, 34–52(French original Les villes-refuges, in: L'au-delà du verset. Lectures et discours talmudique, Collection Critique, Paris 1982).

67 A. Chaniotis, Die Entwicklung der griechischen Asylie: Ritualdynamik und die Grenzen des Rechtsvergleichs, in: L. Burckhardt / K. Seybold / J. v. Ungern-Sternberg, Gesetzgebung (see above note 46) (233–246), 239.

68 See the material amassed in U. Sinn, Art. Asylie, Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum III, Los Angeles, CA 2005, 217–236.

69 See J. Grethlein, Asyl und Athen. Die Konstruktion kollektiver Identität in der griechischen Tragödie, Drama Beiheft 21, Stuttgart / Weimar 2003, bes. 429–443.

70 See U. Sinn, Greek sanctuaries as places of refuge, in: N. Marinatos / R. Hägg (eds.), Greek Sanctuaries. New approaches, London 1993, 88–109.

71 Euripides, Medea, 286–288. English translation according to D. Kovacs, Euripides: Cyclops, Alcestis, Medea, Loeb Classical Library 12, Cambridge, MA et al. 22001, 319.

72 Euripides, Medea, 727–728.

73 On the term see C. Traulsen, Asyl (see above note 45) 132–163.

74 On the problem see. M. Gagarin, Writing Greek Law, Cambridge 2008.

75 See the overview of the material in A. Maffi, L'asilo degli schiavi nel diritto di Gortina, in: M. Dreher, Das antike Asyl (see above note 60) 15–22.

76 On the terminology see S. Link, ‘Dolos’ und ‘Woikeus’ im Recht von Gortyn, Dike 4, 2001, 97–112and M. Gagarin, Slaves and Serfs at Gortyn, ZSRG.R 127, 2010, 14–31; on the status of the free man in Crete see G. Seelentag, Das archaische Kreta. Institutionalisierung im frühen Griechenland, Klio Beih. 24, Berlin et al. 2015, 274–333.

77 Already Hesychius explains the unusal term υαεὺει with reference to hikesia when he offers λíσσομαι and ἱκετεúω as explanation. See also M. Bile, Le dialecte Crétois ancien. Étude de la langue des inscriptions receuil des inscriptions postérieures aux IC, Études Crétoises 27, Paris 1988, 359–360.

78 IC IV 41, IV.6–10. English translation according to I. Arnaoutoglou, Ancient Greek Laws. A Source-book, London 1998, 32.

79 On procedures and laws that restrict asylum in sanctuaries see A. Chaniotis, Conflicting Authorities. Asylia between Secular and Divine Law in the Classical and Hellenistic Poleis, Kernos 9, 1996, 65–86.

80 IC IV 72 I.39–44; English translation acording to R.F. Willetts, The Law Code of Gortyn, Kadmos Supplement 1, Berlin 1967, 39.

81 IC IV 47.31–33; English translation according to I. Arnaoutoglou, Ancient Greek Laws (see above note 74) 31.

82 See already J. Kohler / E. Ziebarth, Das Stadtrecht von Gortyn und seine Beziehungen zum gemeingriechischen Rechte, Göttingen 1912, 124.

83 See D.M. MacDowell, The Athenian Homicide Law in the Age of the Orators, Manchester 21966 and A. Lanni, Law and Justice in the Courts of Classical Athens, Cambridge 2006, 75–114.

84 On the laws of Draco see E. Carawan, Rhetoric and the Law of Draco, Oxford 1998; W. Schmitz, „Drakonische Strafen“. Die Revision der Gesetze Drakons durch Solon und die Blutrache in Athen, Klio 83, 2001, 7–38; M. Gagarin, La loi Dracon sur l'homicide: Pourquoi était-elle écrite?, in: P. Sineux (ed.), Le législateur et la loi dans l'Antiquité. Hommage à Françoise Ruzé. Actes du colloque de Caen 15–17 mai 2003, Caen 2005, 119–126; H. Barta, „Graeca non leguntur“? Zu den Ursprüngen des europäischen Rechts im antiken Griechenland. Bd. II: Archaische Grundlagen. Teil 1, Wiesbaden 2011, 77–129.

85 IG I2 115 quoted according to R. Meiggs / D. Lewis, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century BC, Oxford 21999, Nr. 86. English translation according to D.M. MacDowell (see above note 79) 119; see also D.D. Philips, The Law of Ancient Athens, Law and Society in the Ancient World, Ann Arbor, MI 2013, 52–54.

86 English translation according to D.D. Philips, Law (see above note 81) 57.

87 Cf. R. Parker, Miasma. Pollution and Purification in Early Greek Religion, Oxford 21996, 104–143.

88 English translation according to R. Fagels, The Oresteia: Agamemnon, The Libation Bearers, The Eumenides, Penguin Classics, London 1984, 232. The issue is further developed in Euripides' Ion, when Ion criticizes the laws of asylum as they allow the wicked to sit at the god's altar: 1315 φεȗ δεινόν γε, θυητοȋς τοὺς υόμους ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐθηκευ ὁ θεòς ούδ' ἀпò γυώμης σοφñς τοὺs μὲν γὰρ ὰδίκουs βωμòν οὺχι̋ζειυ ὲχρη̑ν ὰλλ' ὲξελαὺνειν·οὺδὲ γὰρ ψαὺειν καλòν θεῶυ Πουηρᾲ χειρί, τοῖσι δ' ἐνδίκοις߭ ἱερὰ καθίζειυ¯ δ¯’ ὅστις ἠδικεῖτ’ ἐχρῆυ, καὶ μὴ ’τὶ ταὐτὸ τοῦτ’ ἰουτ’ ἒχειυ ’ι.σον τόυ τ’ ἐσθλὸυ ὄυτα τόυ τε μὴ θεῶυ πάρα. Ion: Ah, it is monstrous how bad and unintelligent are the laws the god has made for mortals! He ought not to let the wicked sit at his altar but drive them away. It is not right for an evil hand to touch the gods but only a righteous one. Those who are wronged should be given a seat: just and unjust should not come to the same place and receive the same treatment from the gods. (Euripides, Ion, 1311–1319. English translation according to D. Kovacs, Euripides. Trojan Women, Iphigenia among the Taurians, Ion, Loeb Classical Library 10, Cambridge, MA et al. 1999, 475); see also J.D. Mikalson, Honor Thy Gods. Popular Religion in Greek Tragedy, Chapel Hill, NC 1991, 67–77.

94 Cf. the detailed study of J. Rigsby, Asylia. Territorial Inviolability in the Hellenistic World, Hellenistic Culture and Society 27, Berkeley, CA 1996.

95 See K. Buraselis, Zur Asylie als außenpolitischem Instrument in der hellenistischen Welt, in: M. Dreher, Das Antike Asyl (see above note 60) 143–158 as well as M. Dreher, Asylia und verwandte Begriffe in der griechisch-römischen Antike, in: M. Jung / M. Wengeler / K. Böke (eds.), Die Sprache des Migrationsdiskurses. Das Reden über „Ausländer“ in Medien, Politik und Alltag, Opladen 1997, 36–44.

96 On Oropus See M.H. Hansen / T.H Nielsen (eds.), An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis. An Investigation Conducted by The Copenhagen Polis Centre for the Danish National Research Foundation, Oxford 2004, No. 214.

97 IG VII 4251. English translation according to P.J. Rhodes / R. Osborne, Greek Historical Inscriptions 404–323 BC, Oxford 2003, 371.

98 See already the remarks in: C. Auffahrt, Protecting Strangers: Establishing a Fundamental Value in the Religions of the Ancient Near East and Ancient Greece, Numen 39, 1992, 193–216.

99 See e.g. S.E. Merry, Colonizing Hawai'i. The Cultural Power of Law, Princeton Studies in Culture / Power / History, Princeton, NJ 2000, 35 as well as A.C. Hagedorn, Local Law in an Imperial Context. The Role of Deuteronomy in the (Imagined) Persian Period, in: G.N. Knoppers / B.M. Levinson (eds.), The Pentateuch as Torah: New Models for Understanding Its Promulgation and Acceptance, Winona Lake, IN 2007, 57–75.

100 See F. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (Preface by Jean-Paul Satre), New York, NY 1963, 250: “Because it is a systematic negation of the other person and a furious determination to deny the other person all attributes of humanity, colonialism forces the people it dominates to ask themselves the question constantly: ‘In reality, who am I?’”.

101 See e.g. T. Adams, Cities of Refuge. An Ancient Concept Tentatively Applied to Three Case Studies in Beijing, Los Angeles and Auckland, in: J. Gatley (ed.), Cultural Crossroads: Proceedings of the 26th International SAHANZ Conference, Auckland 2009, 1–11.

102 H.K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture, London 1994, 19.

103 See D. Farrier, Postcolonial Asylum. Seeking Sanctuary before the Law, Postcolonialism across the Disciplines, Liverpool 2011, 1–9.

104 Cf. the fundamental observations in G.C. Spivak, A Critique of Postcolonial Reason. Toward a History of the Vanishing Present, Cambridge, MA 1999, esp. 198–311.


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