1 For a recent analysis of the material cf. S. Boorer, The Vision of the Priestly Narrative: Its Genre and Hermeneutics of Time, Ancient Israel and its Literature 27, Atlanta Ga. 2016; according to her analysis the Sinai Pericope of Pg as a “ritual centerpiece” comprises Exod 19:1,21; 24:15b-18a; 25:1–2aa,8-9,10–40; 26:1-37; 27:1-19; 28:1-2,6–41; 29:1-20, 22-26, 31-32, 35, 43–46; 39:32,43; 40:17, 33b, 34; Num 10:11-12. An alternative view is presented by R. Albertz, Exodus, Band II: 19–40, Zürcher Bibelkommentare, Zürich 2015, who assumes that the oldest layer of P is a reworking (PB 1 = Priester-liche Bearbeitung) of an older redactional reworking of an Exoduskomposition (KEX; REX). Both see a unity in the concept of tabernacle as a wooden shrine and a tent. S. Boorer, 296-298, hints to older traditions about tent shrines in Mari (M. 6873, cf. D. Fleming, Mari's Large Public Tent and the Priestly Tent Sanctuary, VT 50, 2000, 484–498) and Ugarit (cf. R. Clifford, The Tent of El and the Israelite Tent of Meeting, CBQ 33, 1971, 221–227; Michael M. Homan, To Your Tents, O Israel! The Terminology, Function, Form, and Symbolism of Tents in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East, CHANE 12, Leiden 2002, 94-97) and in biblical texts that she assumes to be older thant Pg, as Exod 33:7-11; Num 11:16-17,24-26; 12,4-5, 10; the texts on the shrine of Shiloh (Ps 78:60) and the tent of David (2 Sam 6:17). But the shrine of Shiloh is not described as a tent, but a solid building (בית, 1 Sam 1:24) with a door (1 Sam 3:15), a doorpost (מזוזה) and a temple hall (היכל), 1 Sam 1:9, and the description of the sanctuary as אהל מוער in 1 Sam 2:22 should be considered as secondary. It is missing together with v. 22bβ in 4 Q Sama, col. III: frg. a, it is only in Chronicles that the scribes firmly believe that there was a tent at the time of David מטכן אהל מוער, 1 Chr 6:17; cf. 9:21, 23) that was transported to Gibea after the fall of Shiloh (cf. 2 Chr 1:3; Ps 78:60), and that God changed tents, when he had to be present on the ark (1 Chr 17:5b; cf. 1 Chr 15:1)!

2 This observation was already presented by T. Pola, Die ursprüngliche Priesterschrift. Beobachtungen zur Literarkritik und Traditionsgeschichte von Pg, WMANT 70, Neukirchen Vl. 1995, 229–264; it was rejected by C. Nihan, From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch: A Study in the Composition of the Book of Leviticus, FAT 2. Reihe 25, 2007, 34–42.

3 M. Noth, Das zweite Buch Mose. Exodus, ATD 5, Göttingen7 1984, 177; S. Owczarek, Die Vorstellung vom “Wohnen Gottes inmitten seines Volkes” in der Priesterschrift. Zur Heiligtumstheologie der priesterlichen Grundschrift, EHS.T 625, Frankfurt a.M. 1998, 72–73; S. Boorer, Vision, 61; C. Nihan, Priestly Torah, 42.

4 R. Albertz, Exodus 19–40, 185, therefore ascribes the text to a second priestly reworking (PB 2)!

5 Exod 28:41–42 is considered to be an addition by Noth, Exodus, 179; Owczarek, Wohnen Gottes, 80; C. Nihan, Priestly Torah, 52; Albertz, loc. cit., 205: “28,42–43 als Nachtrag: Anleitung zur Herstellung von Unterhosen.”

6 C. Nihan, Priestly Torah, 135. The textual tradition between LXX and MT is complicated (cf. ibid, n. 116).

7 LXX* ויִַּקָהֵל vs. MT (ותקהל), following the late note in Exod 29:4b. For further discussion cf. J. W. Wevers, Notes on the Greek Text of Exodus (SBL SCS 30), Atlanta GA 1990, 467; IDEM, Notes on the Greek Text of Leviticus (SBL SCS 44), Atlanta GA 1997, 99.

8 R. Albertz, Exodus 19-40, 208.223 assumes a very late priestly addition (P4) in Exod 29:27-30; cf. also C. Nihan, Priestly Torah, 144.

9 C. Nihan, Priestly Torah, 145–146.

10 P. Weimar, Sinai und Schöpfung. Komposition und Theologie der priesterschriftlichen Sinaigeschichte, RB 95, 1988, 337–385.

11 Cf. Num 28:3, 6, 10, 15, 23, 24,31; 29:6, 11, 16, 19, 22, 25, 28, 31, 34, 38

12 LXX* אועד לך MT אועד לכם . T. Pola, Priesterschrift, 234-235, points out that this sentence has only a reference to Exod 25:8, the commandment to build the ark as place of divine presence and oracle!

13 T. Pola, Priesterschrift, 234–236; the texts refering to Yhwh's revelation before the tent of meeting were introduced by a Pentateuch Redaction, cf. R. Achenbach, Die Vollendung der Tora. Studien zur Redaktionsgeschichte des Numeribuches im Kontext von Hexateuch und Pentateuch, BZAR 3, Wiesbaden 2003, 126-129.281-285.290-301; for a recent theory on late priestly layers in Exod 30-31 cf. R. Albertz, Exodus 19–40, 221–268; T. Wagner, Gottes Herrlichkeit. Bedeutung und Verwendung des Begriffs kabôd im Alten Testament, VT.S 151, Leiden 2012, 86, has confirmed the observation that אחל מועד is only mentioned in secondary layers of P.

14 E. Otto, Forschungen zur Priesterschrift, ThR NF 62, 1997, 1–50.20ff. URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/26149495.

15 E. Otto, Forschungen, 26–27.

16 Cf. also Exod 36:18, 19, 37; 40:19.

17 It is an old observation that the motif of the wandering pillar of cloud is not part of the original account in Pg, but part of a redactional reworking of the Pentateuch (עמוד הענן ,עמוד האשׁ cf. Exod 13:21-22; 14:24; 33:9-10; Num 12:5; 14:14; Deut 31:15). It is developed from the older concept that the kabôd is covered by a cloud (Exod 24:15-18; 40:34). Cf. W. Gross, Die Wolkensäule und die Feuersäule in Ex13 + 14. Literarkritische, redaktionsgeschichtliche und quellenkritische Erwägungen, in: G. Braulik / W. Gross / S. McEvenue (eds.), biblische Theologie und gesellschaftlicher Wandel, FS N. Lohfink, Freiburg - Basel -Wien 1993, 142–165.

18 P is attested in Exod 25:21b.22aγ by the concept that Yhwh had commanded to put the document of witness (עדות) into the ark.

19 1 Sam 3:3; 4:11, 13, 17-19, 21; 5:1-2, 10; 14:18; 2 Sam 6:2–4, 6, 12, 13, 15, 16; 7; 15:24, 25, 29; יהוה ארון, 1 Sam 5:3–4; 6:8, 13, 15, 18, 21; 7:1-2; 2 Sam 6:11, 15, 16, 17; ארון יהוה אלהי יטראל, 1 Sam 5:8, 10b, (11; 6:2); for a close analysis of the earliest strata in these traditions cf. P. Porzig, Die Lade Jahwes im Alten Testament und in den Texten vom Toten Meer, BZAW 397, Berlin - New York 2009, 104–185; Porzig is even hesitant to ascribe the acount on the ארון העדות to Pg, cf. loc.cit., 8–41. For a literary critical analysis of Num 10 cf. R. Achenbach, Die Vollendung der Tora. Studien zur Redaktionsgeschichte des Numeribuches im Kontext von Hexateuch und Pentateuch, BZAR 3, Wiesbaden 2003, 173–202.

20 E. Otto, Die nachpriesterschriftliche Pentateuchredaktion im Buch Exodus, in: Marc Vervenne (ed.), Studies in the Book of Exodus: Redaction - Reception - Interpretation, BEThL CXXVI, Leuven 1996, 62-111, has discussed the redactional character of the Sinai Periocope's composition in this respect. For the motif of the ark, cf. IDEM, Deuteronomium 1-11. Zweiter Teilband: 4,44-11,32, HThK AT, Freiburg -Basel - Wien 2012, 934-969.987-988; Porzig, Lade, 46-50. For Num 10:33 as part of a Hexateuch-Composition cf. R. Achenbach, Vollendung, 186–202; for Num 14:44 cf. IDEM, Die Erzählung von der gescheiterten Landnahme von Kadesch Barnea (Numeri 13-14) als Schlüsseltext der Redaktionsgeschichte des Pentateuchs, ZAR 9, 2003, 56–123. 75–77. 123.

21 Cf. עֵדות Exod 16:34; 25:16,21,22; 26:33,34; 27:21; 30:6,26,36; 31:7,18; 32:15; 34;29; 38:21; 39:35: 40:3,5,18; Lev 16:13; 24:3; Num 1:50,53; 4:5; 7:89; 9:15; 10:11; 17:19,22,23,25; 18:2; Josh 4:16; 2 Chr 24:6; for a literary critical analysis of the expression in the priestly account in Exod 25 cf. Porzig, Lade, 12–28.26f.

22 Porzig, Lade, 222–227.

23 C. Körting, כִּי בֶּעָנָן אֵרָאֶה עַל־הַכַּפֺּרֶח- Gottes Gegenwart am Jom Kippur, in: E. Blum a.o. (eds.), Festtraditionen in Israel und im Alten Orient, VWGTh 28, Gütersloh 2006, 221-246.224.

24 Num 1:50,53; 3:7,23,25,26,29,35,36,38; 4:16,25,26,31; 5:17; 7:1,3; 9:15,18,22; 10:11,17,21; 16:9,24; 17:28; 19:13; 31:30,47.

25 For an analysis cf. Ernst A. Knauf, Josua, ZBK AT 6, Zürich 2008, 179-187, who dates the theological dispute about the binding character of the centralization law to the late 5th century BCE, and hints ar the evidence from Elephantine (TAD A 4.9), p. 183.

26 The formulation combining a participle with a finite form of hayah seems to belong to LBH and belongs to a late Fortschreibung. MT is confirmed by 4Q Sama, frg. 77. The text shares the chronistic view of a duplicity of places of presence, the tent and the tabernacle (cf. n. 1), LXX and Vulg. even turn the sequence: in the tabernacle and in the tent, according to the separation of the dwelling place in Gibea and the tent in Jerusalem.

27 Except Ez 37:27: “My tabernacle also shall be above them (והיה מטכני עליהם) and I will be their God, and they shall be my people.”

28 Ps 26:8: “YHWH, I love the habitation of thy house, and the place where thy glory dwells (מטכן כבודך יהוה אהבתי מעון ביתך ומקום)!”; cf. Ps 43:4,5; 49:12; 74:7; 78:28,60; 84:2; 132:5,7.

29 E. Blum, Der kompositionelle Knoten am Übergang von Josua zu Richter. Ein Entflechtungsvorschlag, in: Marc Vervenne / Johan Lust, Deuteronomy and Deuteronomic Literature, FS C.H.W. Brekelmans, BEThL 132, Leuven 1997, 181–212 [repr. in: IDEM, Textgestalt und Komposition. Exegetische Beiträge zu Tora und Vordere Propheten, FAT 89, Tübingen 2010, 248–280; R. Albertz, Exodus 19–40, 284—300, assumes that in Exod 33:1a.3–6*.12–17 a still older layer can be found, and that Exod 33:2 is part of a “Mal'ak-Redaktion” from the late 5th century BCE. According to Albertz Exod 33:7–11 is part of a redactional layer D (“spät-deuteronomistischer Redaktor”) that is younger than the priestly composition that integrated the Holiness-Code into the composition of Gen — Lev, cf. loc.cit., p. 15: “Gegen den priesterlichen Anspruch, aus dem Heiligtum heraus ebenfalls göttliche Orakel zu vermitteln (28:29–30; vgl. 25:22), schuf der D das Konzept eines eigenständigen Offenbarungszeltes (33,7–11; vgl. 34,33—35), das Mose seine intimen Gottesbegegnungen jenseits priesterlicher Kontrolle auch fern vom Sinai ermöglichen sollte. Dieses Motiv nutzte der D zugleich als eine kompositionelle Brücke, um über das entstehende Buch Numeri (Num 11,14–17.24b—30; 12,1–10) das schon bestehende Buch Deuteronomium (Dtn 31,14–15.23) in die Gründungsurkunde Israels einzubinden.” A. tries to harmonize conflicting theories on the composition of the Pentateuch of E. Blum, T. Roemer and E. Otto. However, even according to his analysis Exod 33:7–11 is part of a composition, that is younger thant Pg, the dtr Conquest-narrative in Deut-Josh, and not older than the introduction of H into the first part of that composition, the Sinai-Pericope.

30 Following LXX, cf. J. W. Wevers, Notes on the Greek Text of Exodus, 549.

31 The Exodus and Desert Wandering narrative mentions the tents of people in their camp only in Exod 16:16; Num 11:10; 16:26, 27; 24:5).

32 According to P it was the intention of God to dwell in the middle of his people (Exod 29:45,בני יטראל טכנתי בתוך), which means for a ritual, that the remnants of a bull of a sin offering must be burned outside the camp (Exod 29:14,שׁכנתי בתוך בני ישֺראל, cf. Lev 8:17; 9:11).

33 J. van Seters argued that this might be an early reflection on the possibility of providing a place of meeting and prayer outside of the realm of temple, i.e., an early symbol for a Synagogue (IDEM, The Tent of Meeting in the Yahwist and the Origin of the Synagogue, SJOT 29, Aarhus 2015, 1–10), but the tent of meeting is a separate place. Its distinction is to provide a pure realm for Moses and his task to seek divine oracles. It is not at all a place where the impure people could gather! That the verses are part of a redactional reworking of the Pentateuch has been confirmed now again by Guillaume Lepesqueux, L'enonciation du nom divin dans le livre de l'Exode. Etude exégétigue d'Ex 3,1–4,18; 6,2—7,7; 33–34, Diss. Institut Catholique Paris 2017, 320–325.

34 Lev 1:1,3,5; 3:2,8,13; 4:4,5,7,14,16,18; 6:9,19,23; 8:3,4,31,33,35; 9:23; 10:7,9;12:6; 14:11,23; 15:14, 29; 16:7,16,20,23,33; 17:4,5,6,9; 19:21; 24,3.

35 Num 1:1; 2:2,17; 3:7,25,38; 4:4,15,23,25,28,30,33,35,37,39,41,43,47; 6:10,13,18; 7:5,89; 8:9,15,19, 22,24,26; 10:3; 11:16; 12:4; 14:10; 16:18; 17:7,15,19; 18:4,6,21,31; 19;4; 20:6; 25:6; 27:2; 31:54; Deut 31;14; Josh 18:1; 19:51; 1 Sam 2:22; 1 Kgs 8:4.

36 Cf. R. Achenbach, Der Pentateuch, seine theokratischen Bearbeitungen und Josua — 2 Könige, in: T. Römer / K. Schmid (eds.), Les dernières rédactions du Pentateuque, de l'Hexateuque et de l'Ennéateuque, BEThL CCIII, Leuven 2007, 225–254; R. Albertz, Die kanonische Anpassung des Jo-suabuches: Eine Neubewertung seiner sogenannten “priesterschriftlichen Texte”, ibd., 199–216.

37 I. Knohl, The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holiness School, Minneapolis MN 1995; for a recent example cf. P. N. Tucker, The Holiness Composition in the Book of Exodus, FAT II/98, Tübingen 2017.

38 For a close and detailed analysis of this connection cf. L. Maskow, Tora in der Chronik. Studien zur Rezeption des Pentateuchs in den Chronikbüchern, Diss. Münster 2017.