1 N. Na'aman, „Royal Inscriptions and the History of Joash and Ahaz, Kings of Judah“, VT 48 (1998), 337–340, with earlier literature.

2 Vast amount of literature was written on the reform of Josiah. In addition to the commentaries, see H.-D. Hoffmann, Reform und Reformen: Untersuchungen zu einem Grundthema der deuteronomistischen Geschichtsschreibung, AThANT 66, Zürich 1980, 169–270; H. Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit, Göttingen 1982, 30–160, 425–429; K. Višaticki, Die Reform des Josija and die religiöse Heterodoxie in Israel, St. Ottilien 1987; N. Lohfink, „Recent Discussion on 2 Kings 22–23: The State of Question“, in D.L. Christensen (ed.), The Song of Power and the Power of Song, Winona Lake 1993, 36–61; E. Eynikel, The Reform of King Josiah and the Composition of the Deuteronomistic History, OTS 33, Leiden 1996, 161–326; C. Hardmeier, „König Joschija in der Klimax des DtrG (2Reg 22f.) und das vordtr Dokument einer Kultreform am Residenzort (23,4-15*)“, in R. Lux (ed.), Erzählte Geschichte. Beiträge zur narrativen Kultur im alten Israel, BThSt 40, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2000, 81–145; M. Arneth, „Die antiassyrische Reform Josias von Juda. überlieferungen zur Komposition und Intention von 2 Reg 23,4-15“, ZAR 7 (2001), 189–216; E. Otto, „Josia/Josiareform“, in H.D. Betz (ed.), Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart IV (4th rev. ed.), Tübingen 2001, 587–589, with earlier literature.

3 Scholars are divided on the integrity of 2 Kings 23, opinions ranging from the view that it contains a tiny original kernel and the rest was added later (Levin and Niehr), to the assumption that the chapter was originally composed as an integral entity (Hoffmann, Lohfink). Out of the vast amount of literature on the subject, see Hoffmann, Reform und Reformen, 169–270; H. Hollenstein, „Literarkritische Erwägungen zum Bericht über die Reformmassnahmen Josias 2 Kön XXIII 4ff.“, VT 27 (1977), 321–336; Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 30–160, 425–428; E. Würthwein, Die Bücher der Könige. 1. Kön. 17–2. Kön. 25., ATD 11/2; Göttingen 1984, 452–464; C. Levin, „Joschija im deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerk“, ZAW 96 (1984), 351–371; N. Lohfink, „The Cult Reform off Josiah of Judah: 2 Kings 22–23 as a Source for the History of Israelite Religion“, in P.D. Miller et al. (eds.), Ancient Israelite Religion. Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross, Philadelphia 1987, 459–475; M. Cogan – H. Tadmor, II Kings, AB, Garden City 1988, 277–300; Eynikel, The Reform; B. Gieselmann, „Die sogenannte josianische Reform in den gegenwärtigen Forschung“, ZAW 106 (1994), 223–242, with earlier literature; R. Albertz, A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period, 1: From the Beginning to the End of the Monarchy, Louisville 1994, 195–231; H. Niehr, „Die Reform des Joschija“, in W. Gross (ed.), Jeremia und die „deuteronomistische Bewegung“, Weinheim 1995, 33–55; T.C. Römer, „Transformations in Deuteronomistic and Biblical Historiography“, ZAW 109 (1997), 1–11; M.A. Sweeney, King Josiah of Judah. The Lost Messiah of Israel, Oxford 2001, 40–49; W.B. Barrick, The King and the Cemeteries. Toward a New Understanding of Josiah's Reform, SVT 88, Leiden 2002; R, Albertz, „Why a Reform like Josiah's Must Have Happened“, in L.L. Grabbe (ed.), Good Kings and Bad Kings, JSOTS 393, Sheffield 2005, 27–46.

4 The main outlines of this analysis of chapter 23 follow that of Lohfink, „Recent Discussion“.

5 The cult of heavenly bodies spread throughout the Syro-Palestinian region during the Assyrian rule, and archaeological findings indicate that it was very influential in the kingdom of Judah during the 7th century BCE. See J. McKay, Religion in Judah under the Assyrians, SBT II/26, London 1973, 45–59; M. Cogan, Imperialism and Religion. Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.E., Missoula 1974, 81–84; H. Weippert, „Siegel mit Mondsichelstandarten aus Palästina“, BN 5 (1978), 43–55; O. Keel, „Grundsätzliches und das Neumondemblem zwischen den Bäumen“ BN 6 (1978), 40–54; Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 217–225; M. Delcor, „Le culte de la ‘reine du ciel’ selon Jer 7,18; 44,17-19,25 et ses survivances“, in W.C. Delsman et al. (eds.), Von Kanaan bis Karala. Festschrift für J.P.M. Van der Ploeg, AOAT 211, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1982, 101–122; H.-P. Stähli, Solare Elemente im Jahweglauben des Alten Testament, OBO 66, Freiburg -Göttingen 1985; J.G. Taylor, Yahweh and the Sun: Biblical and Archaeological Evidence for the Sun Worship in Ancient Israel, JSOTS 111, Sheffield 1993; O. Keel – C. Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses, and the Images of God in Ancient Israel, Minneapolis 1998, 283–323; C. Uehlinger, „Gab es eine joschijanische Kultreform? Plädoyer für ein begründetes Minimum“, in W. Gross (ed.), Jeremia und die „deuteronomistische Bewegung“, Weinheim 1995, 77–79.

6 N. Na'aman, „The Dedicated Treasures Buildings within the House of YHWH where Women Weave Coverings for Asherah (2 Kings 23,7)“, BN 83 (1996), 17–18; P.A. Bird, „The End of the Male Cult Prostitute: A Literary-Historical and Sociological Analysis of Hebrew Qādēš-Qědēšîm“, SVT 66 (1997), 64–74.

7 For a detailed discussion of the version of v.8b and its meaning, see recently J.A. Emerton, „‘The High Places of the Gates’ in 2 Kings XXIII 8“, VT 44 (1994), 455–467, with earlier literature.

8 Scholars are divided on the meaning of the term ‘Molech’ (mωlek), whether it is a noun or the name of a deity. For the various interpretations, see O. Eissfeldt, Molk als Opferbegriff im Punischen und Hebräischen und das Ende des Gottes Moloch, Halle 1935; P.G. Mosca, Child Sacrifice in Canaanite and Israelite Religion - A Study in Mulk and mlk (Ph.D. Thesis), Harvard University 1975; M. Smith, „A Note on Burning Babies“, JAOS 95 (1975), 477–479; M. Weinfeld, „Burning Babies in Ancient Israel“, Ugarit-Forschungen 10 (1978), 411–416; G.C. Heider, The Cult of Molek: A Reassessment, JSOTS 43, Sheffield 1985; idem, „Molech“, in K. van der Toorn - B. Becking - P.W. van der Horst (eds.), Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, Leiden 1999, 581–585 [henceforth: DDD]; J. Day, Molech. A God of Human Sacrifice in the Old Testament, Cambridge, U.K. 1989; T. Römer, „Le sacrifice humain en Juda et Israël au premier millénaire avant notre èra“, Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 1 (1999), 17–26; K.A.D. Smelik, „Moloch, Molech or Molk-Sacrifice: A Reassessment of the Evidence concerning the Hebrew Term Molekh“, SJOT 9 (1995), 119–133; H.-P. Müller, „mlk mωlek“, in G.J. Botterweck - H. Ringgren - H.-J. Fabry (eds.), TDOT 8, Grand Rapids 1997, 375–388; idem, „Genesis 12 und das mlk-Opfer“, BZ 41 (1997). 237–246; idem, „Punische Weihinschriften und alttestamentliche Psalmen im religionsgeschichtlichen Zusammenhang“, Orientalia 67 (1998), 477–496; idem, „Malik, mlk“, in van der Toorn et al. (eds.), DDD, 538–542; O, Boehm, „Child Sacrifice, Ethical Responsibility and the Existence of the People of Israel“, VT 54 (2004), 145–156.

9 E. Weidner, „Weisse Pferde im Alten Orient“, BiOr 9 (1952), 157–159; Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 245–246; Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 86–88; Taylor, Yahweh and the Sun, 176–182; Uehlinger, „Joschijanische Kultreform“, 74–77.

10 Uehlinger, „Joschijanische Kultreform“, 79–80.

11 It is generally assumed that the narrative of 1 Kgs 12:32–13:32 is a unified post-deuteronomistic literary composition. See E. Würthwein, „Die Erzählung vom Gottesmann aus Juda in Bethel: zur Komposition von 1 Kön. 13“, in H. Gese – H.-P. Rüger (eds.), Wort und Geschichte. Festschrift für Karl Elliger zum 70. Geburtstag, Kevelaer – Neukirchen-Vluyn 1973, 181–189; A.H.J. Gunneweg, „Die Prophetenlegende 1 Reg 13 – Missdeutung, Umdeutung, Bedeutung“, in V. Fritz et al. (eds.), Prophet und Prophetenbuch. Festschrift für Otto Kaiser, BZAW 185, Berlin – New York 1989, 73–81; E. Eynikel, „Prophecy and Fulfillment in the Deuteronomistic History: 1 Kgs 13; 2 Kgs 23,16-18“, in C. Brekelmans – J. Lust (eds.), Pentateuchal and Deuteronomistic Studies, Leuven 1990, 227–237; D.W. van Winkle, „1 Kings XII 25 – XIII 34: Jeroboam's Cultic Innovations and the Man of God from Judah“, VT 46 (1996), 101–114.

12 There is a close connection between verses 19–20 and the story of the man of God in 1 Kings 12:32–13:32. It is shown (a) in the expression „the cult places in the towns of Samaria“ (1 Kings 13:32; 2 Kings 23:19); (b) the link between the prophecy in 1 Kings 13:2 and its fulfilment in the cities of Samaria (though not in Bethel as stated in 13:2).

13 M. O'Brien, The Deuteronomistic History Hypothesis: A Reassessment, OBO 92, Freiburg – Göttingen 1989, 187, 263–264; M. Gleis, Die Bamah, BZAW 251, Berlin – New York 1997, 126 n. 77, with earlier literature.

14 Arneth, „Die antiassyrische Reform“, 195–207.

15 Gemariahu son of Shaphan is identical to the owner of a chamber in the temple of Jerusalem mentioned in Jer. 36:11–12; and Azariahu son of Hilkiahu appears in a list of priests mentioned in Ezra 7:1; 1 Chr. 5:39; 9:11. See Y. Shiloh, „A Group of Hebrew Bullae from the City of David“, IEJ 36 (1986), 29, 33; Y. Shoham, „Hebrew Bullae“, in T.D. Ariel (ed.), Excavations at the City of David 1978–1985, Directed by Yigal Shiloh, vol. 6: Inscriptions, Qedem 41, Jerusalem 2000, 33; T. Schneider, „Six Biblical Seals and Seal Impressions of six Biblical Personae Recovered“, BARev 17/4 (1991), 26–33. The provenience of the seal of „Hanan son of Hilkiahu the priest“ and of the bulla of „Ahikam son of Shaphan“ is from the antiquity market, hence their authenticity is uncertain. See J. Elayi, „New Light on the Identification of the Seal of Priest óanan, Son of Ḥilqiyahu (2 Kings 22)“, BiOr 49 (1992), 680–685; G. Barkay, „A Bulla of Ishmael, the King's Son“, BASOR 290–291 (1993), 109–114

16 C. Uehlinger, „Was There a Cult Reform under King Josiah? The Case for a Well-Grounded Minimum“, in L.L. Grabbe (ed.), Good Kings and Bad Kings, JSOTS 393, Sheffield 2005, 296–297, 307. For a recent edition of the inscriptions on the Ketef Hinnom silver amulets, see G. Barkay et al., „The Amulets from Ketef Hinnom: A New Edition and Evaluation“, BASOR 334 (2004), 41–71.

17 J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels (5th ed.), Berlin 1899, 27–28.

18 G. Hölscher, „Das Buch der Könige, seine Quellen und seine Redaktion“, in H. Schmidt (ed.), Eucharisterion: Studien zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments. Hermann Gunkel zum 60. Geburtstag, FRLANT 36/1, Göttingen 1923, 206–210.

19 E. Würthwein, „Die josianische Reform und das Deuteronomium“, ZTK 73 (1976), 412–421; Hollenstein „Literarkritische Erwägungen“, 335–336; Višaticki, Die Reform, 2–3; Hardmeier, „König Joschija“, 129–133.

20 Würthwein, „Die josianische Reform“, 413, 421.

21 Levin, „Joschija“, 351–364.

22 Niehr, „Die Reform“, 47–52.

23 For criticism of the works of Levin and Niehr, see Uehlinger, „Joschijanische Kultreform“, 71–72.

24 Niehr, „Die Reform“, 34–37, 47–51 (cited from p. 51).

25 Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 227–381; Uehlinger, „Joschijanische Kultreform“, 64–83.

26 McKay (Religion in Judah) and Cogan (Imperialism and Religion) drew a sharp distinction between the Assyrian and the Aramaean-Phoenician gods and did not realize that these were often two sides of the same coin. Cf. Barrick, The King and the Cemeteries, 159–172.

27 D. Runnalls, „The parwār: A Place of Ritual Separation“, VT 41 (1991), 324–331.

28 Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 107–109, 245–256; Uehlinger, „Joschijanische Kultreform“, 74–77.

29 Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 85–86; Uehlinger, „Joschijanische Kultreform“, 77–79

30 Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 109–110, 257–273; Uehlinger, „Joschijanische Kultreform“, 74–81.

31 The thesis that Josiah's reform aimed mainly to purge the cult of alien elements, particularly Assyrian ones, was first presented extensively by T. Oestreicher, Das deuteronomische Grundgesetz, Gütersloh 1923. Though Oestreicher's conclusion that chapter 23 does not describe centralization of the cult was dismissed by scholars (but see Hölscher, „Das Buch der Könige“, 205–210), some scholars have followed his view of the anti-Assyrian nature of the reform. See F.M. Cross – D.N. Freedman, „Josiah's Revolt against Assyria“, JNES 12 (1953), 56–58; Lohfink, „The Cult Reform off Josiah“, 466–468; recently Arneth, „Die antiassyrische Reform“, 208–216, with earlier literature.

32 N. Na'aman, „The Kingdom of Judah under Josiah“, Tel Aviv 18 (1991), 38.

33 Pace Uehlinger, „Was There a Cult Reform“, 306 and n. 121.

34 M. Weinfeld, „Cult Centralization in Israel in the Light of a Neo-Babylonian Analogy“, JNES 23 (1964), 202–212.

35 Arneth, „Die antiassyrische Reform“, 209–216.

36 B. Landsberger, Brief des Bischofs von Esagil an König Asarhaddon, Mededelingen der Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, afd. Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks 28/6, Amsterdam 1965; B. Porter, Images, Power, and Politics. Figurative Aspects of Esarhaddon's Babylonian Policy, Philadelphia 1993; M.P. Streck, „Der Wiederaufbau Babylons unter Asarhaddon und Assurbanipal in Briefen aus Ninive“, AoF 29 (2002), 205–233.

37 E. Hornung, Der Eine und die Vielen. ägyptische Gottesvorstellungen, Darmstadt 1973; idem, „Monotheismus im pharaonischen ägypten“, in O. Keel (ed.), Monotheismus im alten Israel und seiner Umwelt, Fribourg 1980, 83–97; idem, „The Rediscovery of Akhenaten and His Place in Religion“, JARCE 29 (1992), 43–49; idem, Akhenaten and the Religion of Light, Ithaca 1999; D.B. Redford, Akhenaten the Heretic King, Princeton 1984, 169–181; C. Aldred, Akhenaten, King of Egypt, London 1988, esp. 237–248; J. Assmann, „Re“, in van der Toorn et al. (eds.), DDD, 689–692; idem, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom: Re, Amun and the Crisis of Polytheism, London 1995; J. Baines, „Egyptian Deities in Context. Multiplicity, Unity, and the Problem of Change“, in B.N. Porter (ed.), One God or Many? Concepts of Divinity in the Ancient World, Casco Bay 2000, 53–74.

38 Redford, Akhenaten, 169–170.

39 There is an immense amount of literature about the time of Akhenaten, which need not be listed in full. In addition to the literature referred to in note 36, see the following works: C. Aldred, Akhenaten, Pharaoh of Egypt: A New Study, London 1968; W.J. Murnane, Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt, Writings from the Ancient World 5, Atlanta 1995; D. Montserrat, Akhenaten. History, Fantasy and Ancient Egypt, London – New York 2000; G.F. Martin, A bibliography of the Amarna period and its aftermath : the reigns of Akhenaten, Smenkhkare, Tutankhamun and Ay (C.1350–1321 B.C.), London 1991.

40 For the omission of the divine classifier in the Amarna period because Aten is a „one member category“, see O. Goldwasser, Prophets, Lovers, and Giraffes: Wor(l)d Classification in Ancient Egypt, Wiesbaden 2002, 123–131.

41 Redford, Akhenaten, 139.

42 For the survival of Akhenaten's monotheistic reform in the memorial history, see J. Assmann, Moses the Egyptian. The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism, Cambridge, MA – London 1997.

43 For a review of the history of Muwatalli, see F. Cornelius, Geschichte der Hethiter. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der geographischen Verhältnisse und der Rechtsgeschichte, Darmstadt 1973, 223–234; T. Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, Oxford 1998, 241–267; H. Klengel, Geschichte des hethitischen Reiches, Handbuch der Orientalistik I/34, Leiden 1999, 202–218.

44 On the attempt to locate Tarḥuntašša, see Klengel, Geschichte, 201 n. 325; S. de Martino, „Ura and the Boundaries of Taræuntašša“, AoF 26 (1999), 291–300; A.M. DinÇol et al., „The Borders of the Appanage Kingdom of Tarhuntašša – A Geographical and Archaeological Assessment“, Anatolica 26 (2000), 1–29.

45 I. Singer, Muwatalli's Prayer to the Assembly of Gods Through the Storm-God of Lightning (CTH 381), Atlanta 1996, 7–118; idem, Hittite Prayers, Writings from the Ancient World, Atlanta 2002, 85–95.

46 Singer, Muwatalli's Prayer, 81–85.

47 Singer, Muwatalli's Prayer, 165–167.

48 For the three gods, see Singer, Muwatalli's Prayer, 179–189.

49 O.R. Gurney, The Hittites, Harmondsworth 1954, 35; E. von Schuler, Die Kaškäer. Ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie des Alten Kleinasiens, Berlin 1965, 55; H, Otten, „Hethiter, Hurriter und Mitanni“, in E. Cassin, J. Bottéro – J. Vercoutter (eds.), Die Altorientalischen Reiche. II: Das Ende des 2. Jahrtausend, Fischer Weltgeschichte, Frankfurt 1966, 154; Cornelius, Geschichte der Hethiter, 224–225; J.G. Macqueen, The Hittites (2nd ed.), London 1988, 55; Bryce Kingdom of the Hittites, 253.

50 Singer, Muwatalli's Prayer, 191–192; idem, „From Hattuša to Tarḥuntašša: Some Thoughts on Muwatalli's Reign“, in S. Alp – A. Süel (eds.), Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology (Çorum 1996), Ankara 1998, 536–538; idem, „Sin and Punishment in Hittite Prayers“, in Y. Sefati et al. (eds.), „An Experienced Scribe who Neglects Nothing“. Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Jacob Klein, Bethesda 2005, 564–565.

51 On the Hittite concept of collective responsibility and collective punishment for sins that pass from generation to generation, see I. Singer, „Questioning Divine Justice in Hittite Prayers“, in M. Hutter – S. Hutter-Braunsar (eds.), Offizielle Religion, lokale Kulte und individuelle Religiosität, AOAT 318, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2004, 413–419, with earlier literature

52 Singer, Muwatalli's Prayer, 185–193; Singer, „From Hattuüa to Tarḫuntašša“, 538–541.

53 In his prayer to the Sun Goddess of Arinna, Hattushili III emphasizes that he neither participated in the transfer of the capital to Taḫuntašša nor allocated resources to the different gods. See Singer, Hittite Prayers, 98 § 3.

54 H. Otten, Die Bronzetafel aus Boǧazköy, Ein Staatsvertrag Tutḥalijas IV, StBoT Beiheft 1, Wiesbaden 1988; Th. van den Hout, „A Chronology of the Tarhuntassa-Treaties“, JCS 41 (1989), 100–114; P.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, „The Bronze Tablet of Tudhaliyas IV and its Geographical and Historical Relations“, ZA 82 (1992), 233–270; O.R. Gurney, „The Treaty with Ulmi-Teüub“, AnSt 43 (1993), 13–28; I. Singer, „Great Kings of Tarḥuntašša“, SMEA 38 (1996), 63–71; idem, „The Fate of Hattusha during the Period of Tarhuntassa's Supremacy“, in T. Richter - D. Prechel - J. Klinger (eds.), Kulturgeschichten. Altorientalische Studien für Volkert Haas zum 65. Geburtstag, Saarbrücken 2001, 395–403; idem, „Danuḥepa and Kurunta“, in S. De Martino - F. Pecchioli Daddi (eds.), Anatolia Antica. Studi in memoria di Fiorella Imparati, Firenze 2002, 739–751.

55 A. Goetze, Kleinasien, Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft III/1, München 1933, 159–160.

56 C.-G. von Brandenstein, „Hethitische Götter nach Bildbeschreibungen in Keilschrifttexten“, MVAG 46/2 (1943); H.G. Güterbock, „Recensions: C.-G. von Brandenstein, ‘Hethitische Götter nach Bildbeschreibungen in Keilschrifttexten’“, Orientalia 15 (1946), 482–496; idem, „Hethitische Götterbilder und Kultobjekte“, in R.M. Boehmer - H. Hauptmann (eds.), Beiträge zur Altertumskunde Kleinasiens. Festschrift für Kurt Bittel, Mainz 1983, 203–217, with earlier literature in notes 2–8; Ch.W. Carter, Hittite Cult-Inventories (Ph.D. Dissertation), University of Chicago 1962; Cornelius, Geschichte der Hethiter, 257–262; E. Laroche, „La réforme religieuse du roi Tudhaliya IV et sa signification politique“, in F. Dunand - P. Lévêque (eds.), Les synchrétismes dans les religions de l'antiquité, Leiden 1975, 87–95; O.R. Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion, Oxford 1977, 25–26; P.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, „The Hittite Storm God: his Role his rule According to Hittite Cuneiform Sources“, in D.J.W. Meijer (ed.), Natural Phenomena: Their Meaning, Depiction and Description in the Ancient Near East, Amsterdam 1992, 100–109, 138–146, with earlier literature; Klengel Geschichte, 283–284, 293–294.

57 For a review of the history of Tudḥaliya IV, see Cornelius, Geschichte der Hethiter, 250–268; Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites, 326–360; H. Klengel, „Tudḥaliya IV. von Ḥatti: Prolegomenon zu einer Biographie“, AoF 18 (1991), 224–238; Klengel, Geschichte, 273–297.

58 Laroche, „La reforme“, 89–93.

59 K. Bittel, Hattusha, the Capital of the Hittites, New York 1970, 24–90; P. Neve, „Hattuscha, Haupt- und Kultstadt der Hethiter – Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen in der Oberstadt“, Hethitica 8 (1987), 297–318; idem, „Boǧazköy-Ḥattuša, Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen in der Oberstadt“, Anatolica 14 (1987), 41–88; idem, „Boǧazköy-Hattusha. New Results of the Excavations in the Upper City“, Anatolica 16 (1989–90), 7–19; idem, Die Oberstadt von Hattusha: Die Bauwerke. I. Die Bauung im zentralen Tempelviertel, Boǧazköy-Ḥattuša: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 16, Berlin 1999; I. Singer, „A City of Many Temples: Hattuša, Capital of the Hittites“, in B.Z. Kedar – R.J. Z. Werblowsky (eds.), Sacred Space: Shrine, City, Land, New York 1998, 32–44.

60 E. Laroche, „Le Panthéon de Yazilikaya“, JCS 6 (1952), 115–123; idem, „Les Dieux de Yazilikaya“, RHA 27 (1969), 61–109; K. Bittel et al., Die hethitische Felsheiligtum Yazilikaya, Boǧazköy-Ḥattuüa: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 9, Berlin 1975; Bittel, Hattusha, 91–112; H.G. Güterbock, „Yazilikaya: Apropos a New Interpretation“, JNES 34 (1975), 273–277.

61 Neve, „Boǧazköy-Hattusha“, 9.

62 Houwink ten Cate, „Hittite Storm God“, 103–105.

63 Houwink ten Cate, „Hittite Storm God“, 106–107; Singer, Hittite Prayers, 108–109; R. Lebrun, Hymnes et Prières Hittites, Louvain-la-Neuve 1980, 357–361.

64 I. Singer, „The Battle of Niḥriya and the End of the Hittite Empire“, ZA 75 (1985), 100–123; M. Dietrich, „Salmanassar I, von Assyrien, Ibirānu (VI.) von Ugarit und Tudḥalija IV. von Ḥatti. RS 34.165 und die Schlacht von Niḥrija zwischen den Hethitern und Assyrern“, UF 35 (2003), 103–139.

65 For the rise of Marduk to the top of the Babylonian pantheon, see W. Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks. Die Stellung Marduks in der babylonischen Religion des zweiten Jahrtausends v. Chr., AOAT 213, Kevelaer – Neukirchen-Vluyn 1982; idem, „Marduk“, RLA 7 (1987–1990), 360-

66 370; W.G. Lambert, „Studies in Marduk“, BSOAS 47 (1984), 1–9; T. Abusch, „Marduk“, in van der Toorn et al. (eds.), DDD, 543–549, with earlier literature.

67 W.G. Lambert, „The Reign of Nebuchadnezzar I: A Turning Point in the History of Ancient Mesopotamian Religion“, in W.S. McCullough (ed.), The Seed of Wisdom. Essays in Honour of T.J. Meek, Toronto 1964, 3–13; Lambert, „Studies in Marduk“, 2–5; Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks, 182–189.

68 For the rise of the Elamite kingdom in the twelfth century BCE, see D. J. Wiseman, „Assyria and Babylonia c. 1200–1000 B.C.“, CAH II/2 (3rd rev. ed.), Cambridge 1975, 454–457; R. Labat, „Elam and Western Persia (c. 1200–1000 B.C.)“, ibid., 482–497.

69 For the manufacture of statues of gods to replace the despoiled statues, see A. Berlejung, „Notlösungen: Altorientalische Nachrichten über den Tempelkult in Nachkriegszeiten“, in U. Hübner – E.A. Knauf (eds.), Kein Land für sich allein: Studien zum Kulturkontakt in Kanaan, Israel/ Palästina und Ebirnâri für Manfred Weippert zum 65. Geburtstag, OBO 186, Freiburg – Göttingen 2002, 207–220.

70 J.A. Brinkman, A History of Post Kassite Babylonia (1158–722 B.C.), AnOr 43, Rome 1968, 104–116, 325–329; idem, „Nebukadnezar I.“, RLA 9 (1998–2001), 192–194; J.J.M. Roberts, „Nebuchadnezzar I's Elamite Crisis in Theological Perspective“, in M. de Jong Ellis (ed.), Essays on the Ancient Near East in Memory of Jacob Joel Finkelstein, Hamden 1977, 183–187; V.A. Hurowitz, „Some Literary Observations on the šitti-Marduk Kudurru (BBSt. 6)“, ZA 82 (1992), 39–59; B.R. Foster, Before the Muses. An Anthology of Akkadian Literature I, Bethesda 1993, 282–307; G. Frame, Rulers of Babylonia. From the Second Dynasty of Isin to the End of Assyrian Domination (1157–612 BC), RIMB 2, Toronto 1995, 9–35, with earlier literature.

71 Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks, 173 n. 4; Hurowitz, „Literary Observations“, 48; Frame, Rulers of Babylonia, 34 line 12.

72 W.G. Lambert, „Enmeduranki and Related Matters“, JCS 21 (1967), 130–131 line 25. Lambert dated another bilingual text that relates the manufacture of a chariot to Marduk, who carries the title „king of gods“ (šarri ilāni), to the time of Nebuchadnezzar I. See W.G. Lambert, „A New Fragment from a List of Antediluvian Kings and Marduk's Chariot“, in M.A. Beek et al. (eds.), Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario Theodoro de Liagre Böhl Dedicatae, Leiden 1973, 275–280.

73 Frame, Rulers of Babylonia, 30 line 25.

74 Frame, Rulers of Babylonia 25 line 1.

75 T. Abusch, „The Form and Meaning of a Babylonian Prayer of Marduk“, JAOS 103 (1983), 3–15; idem, „Marduk“, 546b.

76 R. Borger, „Gott Marduk und Gott-König šulgi als Propheten“, BiOr 28 (1971), 5–13; Foster, Before the Muses, 304–306; T. Longman III, Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study, Winona Lake 1991, 131–142, 233–236.

77 Foster, Before the Muses, 305.

78 T. Jacobsen, „The Battle between Marduk and Tiamat“, JAOS 88 (1969), 104–108; idem, „Enûma Elish“, The Treasures of Darkness. A History of Mesopotamian Religion, New Haven – London 1976, 188–191; Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks, 174–181, with earlier literature. Dalley suggested that the text gradually grew for hundreds of years since the time of Hammurabi. However, there is no concrete evidence that supports this far-fetched hypothesis. See S. Dalley, „Statues of Marduk and the Date of Enūma eliš“, AoF 24 (1997), 163–171.

79 Lambert, „The Reign of Nebuchadnezzar I“, 3–6; idem, „Studies in Marduk“, 4.

80 Abusch („Marduk“, 547–548) suggested that Enūma Eliš was composed during the early first millennium BCE, in the period of decline of the kingdom of Babylonia, in an effort to preserve the former status of the capital city and the prestige of its god.

81 V.A. Hurowitz, Divine Service and Its Rewards. Ideology and Poetics in the Hinke Kudurru, Beer-Sheva 10, Beer-Sheva 1997, 16–19.

82 V.A. Hurowitz, „Reading a Votive Inscription: Simbar-shipak and the Ellilification of Marduk“, RA 91 (1997), 39–47. For the inscription, see A. Goetze, „An Inscription of Simbar-šḥu“, JCS 19 (1965), 121–135; Frame, Rulers of Babylonia 71–73.

83 Lambert, „The Reign of Nebuchadnezzar I“, 10

84 W. von Soden dated the foundation of Etemenanki, the ziqqurratu of Esagil, to the time of Nebuchadnezzar I. See „Etemenanki vor Asarhaddon nach der Erzählung vom Turmbau zu Babel und dem Erra-Mythos“, UF 3 (1971), 253–263

85 G.W. Vera Chamaza, Die Omnipotenz Aššurs. Entwicklungen un der Aššur-Theologie unter den Sargoniden Sargon II., Sanherib und Asarhaddon, AOAT 295, Münster 2002, 21–70, with earlier literature.

86 E. Frahm, Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften, AfO Beiheft 26, Horn 1997, 136, 284; idem, „Sanherib und die Tempel von Kuyunjik“, in S.M. Maul (Ed.), Tikip santaki mala bašmu. Festschrift für Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag, Groningen 1998, 107–113, 117–121; Vera Chamaza, Die Omnipotenz Aššurs, 71–89.

87 For recent discussions, see Vera Chamaza, Die Omnipotenz Aššurs, 92–110; Streck, „Der Wiederaufbau Babylons“, 208–209, with earlier literature.

88 Frahm, Einleitung, 225–227, with earlier literature.

89 H. Zimmern, „Marduks (Ellils, Assurs) Geburt im babylonischen Weltschopfungsepos“, MVAG 21 (1917), 213–225; H. Tadmor – B. Landsberger – S. Parpola, „The Sin of Sargon and Sennacherib's Last Will“, SAAB 3, 25–51; P. Machinist, „The Assyrians and Their Babylonian Problem: Some Reflections“, in P. Wapnewski (ed.), Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin – Jahrbuch, Berlin 1984/1985, 353–364; H. Tadmor, „Monarchy and the Elite in Assyria and Babylonia: The Question of Royal Accountability“, in S.N. Eisenstadt (ed), The Origin and Diversity of Axial Age Civilizations, Albany 1986, 203–224; A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars, Oxford 1986, 205–235; A. R. George, „Sennacherib and the Tablet of Destinies“, Iraq 48 (1986), 133–146; W. G. Lambert, „The Assyrian Recension of Enūma Eliš“, in H. Waetzoldt – H. Hauptmann (eds.), Assyrien im Wandel der Zeiten, XXXIXe RAI, Heidelberg 1997, 77–79; Frahm, Einleitung, 220–227, 282–288; idem, „Sanherib und die Tempel“, 114–117; Vera Chamaza, Die Omnipotenz Aššurs, 111–167.

90 W.G. Lambert, „The God Aššur“, Iraq 45 (1983), 82–86.

91 D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, Chicago 1924, 149, lines 1–6. An almost identical text was published by E. Ebeling, Stiftungen und Vorschriften für assyrische Tempel, Berlin 1954, 4, lines 7–11.

92 Frahm, Einleitung, 215–216.

93 Frahm, „Sanherib und die Tempel“, 115.

94 George, „Tablet of Destinies“, 139; Frahm, Einleitung, 220–221.

95 George, „Tablet of Destinies“, 143.

96 Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, 136–139 lines 22–35, 44–57; Ebeling, Stiftungen und Vorschriften, 3–5; Frahm, Einleitung, 173–174; W.G. Lambert, „The Great Battle of the Mesopotamian Religious Year: The Conflict in the Akītu House“, Iraq 25 (1963), 189–190; A.Y. Ahmad – A.K. Grayson, „Sennacherib in the Akitu House“, Iraq 61 (1999), 187–189.

97 Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, 139, 142; Frahm, Einleitung, 223–224; B. Pongratz-Leisten, Ina šulmi īrub, Die Kulttopographische und ideologische Programmatik der akītu-Prozession in Babylonien und Assyrien im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Mainz 1994, 207–209.

98 G. van Driel, The Cult of Aššur, Leiden 1969, 57–58, 162–163; P.A. Miglus, „Architektur der Festhäuser in Assur und Uruk sowie des Aššur-Tempels in Kār Tukultī-Ninurta“, Bag. Mit. 24 (1993), 210.

99 Landsberger, Brief des Bischofs von Esagil; W.G. Lambert, „Esarhaddon's Attempt to Return Marduk to Babylon“, in G. Mauer – U. Magen (eds.), Ad bene et fideliter seminandum. Festgabe für Karlheinz Deller, AOAT 220, Kevelaer – Neukirchen-Vluyn 1988, 157–174; B.N. Porter, „God's Statues as a Tool of Assyrian Political Policy: Esarhaddon's Return of Marduk to Babylon“, in L. Martin (ed.), Religious Transformations and Socio-Political Change: Eastern Europe and Latin America, Berlin 1993, 9–24; Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 27–117; Vera Chamaza, Die Omnipotenz Aššurs, 168–242; Streck, „Der Wiederaufbau Babylons“, 205–233.

100 Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 119–153.

101 On the origin of Nabonidus and the legitimation of his rule, see P.-A. Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus King of Babylonia 556–539 B.C., New Haven – London 1989, 67–117.

102 H. Tadmor, „The Inscriptions of Nabunaid: Historical Arrangement“, in H.G. Güterbock – T. Jacobsen (eds.), Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, AS 16, Chicago 1965, 351–363; Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 43–50, 137–143; P. Machinist, „Mesopotamian Imperialism and Israelite Religion: A Case Study from the Second Isaiah“, in W.G. Dever – S. Gitin (eds.), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past. Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake 2003, 244–253. For a new edition of Nabonidus inscriptions, see H. Schaudig, Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros' des Grossen samt den ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Tendenzschriften. Textausgabe und Grammatik, AOAT 256, Münster 2001.

103 For Nabonidus campaign to Teima, see recently W.A. Müller, „Der babylonische König Nabonid in tymanischen Inschriften“, BN 107/108 (2001), 105–119; Y. Gruntfest – M. Heltzer, „Nabonid, King of Babylon (556–539 B.C.E.) in Arabia in Light of New Evidence“, BN 110 (2001), 25–30; A. Lemaire, „Nabonidus in Arabia and Judah in the Neo-Babylonian Period“, in O. Lipschits – J. Blenkinsopp (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period, Winona Lake 2003, 285–298.

104 I. Eph'al, The Ancient Arabs. Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent 9th-5th Centuries B.C.E., Jerusalem – Leiden 1982, 179–191; Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 178–185.

105 Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 62–63.

106 Beaulieu (The Reign of Nabonidus, 184–185) interpreted it as the result of the political divergences between Nabonidus and his son and his supporters. „Arabia may have been chosen as a place of exile because of the importance of the moon god there, and because of its relatively cosmopolitan character, which made it more propitious terrain for the introduction of new cults than Babylonia“.

107 Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 54–62, 185–203.

108 Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 63–64, 155–165.

109 For the chronological order of Nabonidus' inscriptions, see Tadmor, „The Inscriptions of Nabunaid“, 358–363; Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 42.

110 Tadmor, „The Inscriptions of Nabunaid“, 351–363; Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 54–65, 203–219.

111 Tadmor, „Monarchy and the Elite“, 220–222.

112 H. Schaudig, „Nabonid, der ‘Gelehrte auf dem Königsthron’“, in O. Loretz – K.A. Metzler – H. Schaudig (eds.), Ex Mesopotamia et Syria Lux. Festschrift für Manfred Dietrich zu seinem 65. Geburtstag, AOAT 281, Münster 2002, 633–634.

113 Schaudig, „Gelehrte auf dem Königsthron“, 634–638.

114 For translation of the inscription, see A.L. Oppenheim, „Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts“, ANET, 312–315; Schaudig, Die Inschriften Nabonidus, 563–578, with earlier literature.

115 For a different interpretation, see A. Kuhrt, „Nabonidus and the Babylonian Priesthood“, in M. Beard – J. North, (eds.), Pagan Priests, London 1990, 135–146. For an analysis of the composition as an important source for the reign of Nabonidus, see S. Smith, Babylonian Historical Texts Relating to the Capture and Downfall of Babylon, London 1924, 27–97; B. Landsberger – T. Bauer, „Zu neuveröffentlichten Geschichtsquellen der Zeit von Asarhaddon bis Nabonid“, ZA 37 (1927), 88–98; Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 214–219; W. von Soden, „Kyros und Nabonid. Propaganda und Gegenpropaganda“, in L. Cagni – H.-P. Müller (eds.), Aus Sprache, Geschichte und Religion Babyloniens. Gesammelte Aufsätze, Naples 1989, 285–292; P. Machinist – H. Tadmor, „Heavenly Wisdom“, in M.E. Cohen – D.C. Snell – D.B. Weisberg (eds.), The Tablet and the Scroll. Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William W. Hallo, Bethesda 1993, 146–151; T.G. Lee, „Propaganda and the Verse Account of Nabonidos' Reign“, BCSMS 28 (1994), 31–36; Schaudig, Die Inschriften Nabonidus, 563–564, with earlier literature; Schaudig, „Gelehrte auf dem Königsthron“, 619–624.

116 Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 215–216, 219; Schaudig, Die Inschriften Nabonidus, 570, 576.

117 Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 216–219.

118 Tadmor, „Monarchy and the Elite „, 203–224; Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 63–64, 155–165, 214–219; Machinist – Tadmor, „Heavenly Wisdom“, 146–151; Schaudig, „Gelehrte auf dem Königsthron“, 619–625.

119 Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 219–232; Kuhrt, „Nabonidus and the Babylonian Priesthood“, 128–135; P.-A. Beaulieu, „An Episode in the Fall of Babylonia to the Persians“, JNES 52 (1993), 243–261.

120 In his discussion of state in the Ur III period, P. Steinkeller presented ten reforms that he attributed to Shulgi, some involved with the regulation of the cult in the kingdom. See „The Administration and Economic Organization of the Ur III State: the Core and the Periphery“, in M. Gibson – R.D. Biggs (eds.), The Organization of Power. Aspects of Bureaucracy in the Ancient Near East, SAOC 46, Chicago 1991, 16–17. Most remarkable among these reforms is the divination of the king, first taking place in Shulgi's 21st year and adopted by all his heirs and by other kings that ascended the throne after the fall of the Ur III dynasty. Shulgi's cult ‘reform’ lasted until the Old Babylonian period and thus belongs to the ‘long-term history’. See W. Sallaberger, „Ur III-Zeit“, W. Sallaberger – A. Westenholz, Mesopotamien: Akkade-Zeit und Ur III-Zeit, OBO 160/3, Freiburg – Göttingen 1999, 148–156, with earlier literature.

121 It is possible that following his conquest of Babylonia, transferring Marduk's image to Assyria and building a new capital (Kār Tukulti-Ninurta) with a cult centre for Ashur, Tukulti-Ninurta I (1243–1207) instigated a cult reform and sought to introduce elements of the Babylonian cult and culture to his kingdom. See P. Machinist, „Literature and Politics: The Tukulti-Ninurta Epic and the Bible“, CBQ 38 (1976), 455–477; W.G. Lambert, „Tukulti-Ninurta I and the Assyrian King List“, Iraq 38 (1976), 85–94.

122 For the suggestion that Mesha instigated cult reform in his kingdom by promoting Chemosh to the status of chief god of the kingdom, see N. Na'aman, „Royal Inscription versus Prophetic Story, Mesha's Rebellion according to Biblical and Moabite Historiography“, in L.L. Grabbe (ed.), Ahab Agonistes: The Rise and Fall of the Omride Dynasty (forthcoming).

123 On the non-reconstruction of the cult places destroyed in Sennacherib's campaign as an element that significantly facilitated the execution of Josiah's reform, see N. Na'aman, „The Abandonment of Cult Places in the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah as Acts of Cult Reforms“, UF 34 (2002), 595–597

124 R. Albertz („Jer 2–6 und die Frühzeitverkündigung Jeremias“, ZAW 94 [1982], 20–47) suggests that the memory of the reform is reflected in Jeremiah's earliest prophecies preached in the years between 627–609 BCE to the Israelites of the former Northern Kingdom (Jer. 2:4–4:2 [without 3:6–18]), and the prophecies preached in the years 609–605 to the inhabitants of Judah (4:3–6:30). He also suggests that „a closer reading of Jeremiah 2–6 reveals that the accusation against syncretism, which played a prominent role in Jeremiah's preaching to the brethren in the north (2.4–4.2), does not appear in his preaching to the Judaeans at all (4.3–6.30), which could testify to the results of Josiah's reform indirectly“. See Albertz, „Reform like Josiah's“, 43. For a detailed discussion of the theme ‘Jeremiah and Josiah's reform’, see J. Schreiner, „Jeremia und die joschijanische Reform. Probleme – Fragen – Antworten“, in W. Gross (ed.), Jeremia und die „deuteronomistische Bewegung“, Weinheim 1995, 11–31.

125 Since the acts of the reforming ruler were usually undone soon after his death and were not reflected in the subsequent reigns, it is only where contemporary documents have been found that we can outline most of the reforms that took place in the ancient Near East. In the absence of contemporary documents we would never have guessed that such reforms in fact took place. This tells us how mistaken Niehr („Die Reform“, 49–51) was when he argued that the reality described by the post-Josiah sources proves that the reform had never occurred. Josiah's reform belongs to ‘the history of events’, and the cult situation in the final years of the kingdom of Judah does not say anything about the reform that took place in his reign.

126 In my opinion, the original oracle of Huldah encompassed 2 Kgs. 22:15, 19–20aa and includes a confirmation of Josiah's interpretation of the book's message and a reward for his devotion and proper behavior. Following the destruction of the temple and the exile, the originally positive divine word was transformed into a prophecy of doom by inserting vv. 16–17, 20b. See Cogan – Tadmor, II Kings, 295. For discussion of Huldah's oracle, see (in addition to the commentaries): Hoffmann, Reform und Reformen, 181–189; Hardmeier, „König Joschija“, 108–112; B. Halpern – D.S. Vanderhooft, „The Editions of Kings in the 7th-6th Centuries B.C.E.,“ HUCA 62 (1991), 221–230; B. Halpern, „Why Manasseh was Blamed for the Babylonian Exile: The Evolution of a Biblical Tradition“, VT 48 (1998), 493–501, with earlier literature.